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In Australia government funded and supported institutions, and their clergy bound by doctrine and oaths of allegiance to a foreign Vatican sovereign daily act with impunity to pervert justice, minimise and cloak rape in eternal secrecy, prioritizing papal loyalty over truth, victims and national law.
#1039
Re: Systemic Obstruction of Procedural Fairness and Denial of Personal Sovereignty Feedback can be sent to john@traumainreligion.com
PUBLISHED: April 22, 2026 8:18:55 PM UPDATED: No Updates
I have a question about how a claim to be a protected belief can be used to permanently deny the human right of millions of victims of crime over centuries through belief/claims that such serious abuse can continue to exist despite it actively Obstructing Justice an denying the Human rights of it's Vixctims.
No belief—religious, philosophical, or otherwise—grants a permanent legal shield to commit crimes or violate others' human rights. Human rights frameworks treat this distinction very carefully, and the mechanism you're asking about is a recurring tension between protecting personal conviction and preventing real-world harm. I'll break it down clearly, then address the "how it can seem to allow serious abuse to continue" part.
In plain terms: you can believe whatever you like about why an abusive practice is "sacred" or "necessary." You cannot perform, facilitate, or demand exemptions for acts that constitute crimes (assault, child abuse, torture, slavery, genital mutilation, forced marriage, etc.). Courts have repeatedly ruled this way for decades.
Even though the legal principle is clear, real-world application often fails victims for these structural reasons:
None of this is required by human rights law — it is a failure of enforcement, political courage, or cultural capture. Secular law has progressively overridden such claims when the evidence of harm becomes undeniable (abolition of slavery, bans on sati, criminalisation of FGM, mandatory reporting laws for clergy, etc.).
A belief, no matter how sincerely held or ancient, has no moral or legal weight if its practice violates another person's bodily integrity, dignity, or safety. Millions of victims over centuries do not become "acceptable collateral" just because the perpetrator or community labels the abuse a "protected belief." Progress has always come from prioritising universal human rights over group beliefs — not the other way around.
If you're referring to a specific belief or practice (e.g. a particular religion's doctrine, a modern ideological claim dressed up as "protected belief," FGM, historical slavery justifications, institutional abuse, or something else), give me more detail and I can analyse the exact legal cases, statistics, or current Australian context. The query is broad, so the answer stays at the general mechanism level.
The short version: the claim works when societies choose political comfort, cultural deference, or institutional self-protection over consistent application of the "rights of others" limitation. It is not inevitable, and it is not required by human rights law — it is a choice that can (and has been) reversed when victims' rights are finally treated as non-negotiable.
While I understand the proposed lobbying method, in my view this simply further obstruction that has been added over time.
I want you to review the suggested lobbying method as it puts the onus on the victims to push for reform. I want you to explore direct and immediate action that can be taken by governments.
Describe for me other areas of governance that continue to obstruct justice for months and years when the role of government is to act immediately to prevent delay. Justice delayed this way is justice denied.
I agree with your critique of the lobbying route: it does place a heavy, ongoing burden on victims and survivors (or their advocates) to keep pushing for change that governments already have a core duty to deliver. Under Australia's human rights framework (including Queensland's Human Rights Act 2019) and the findings of the Royal Commission, the state has an affirmative obligation to protect people from harm and ensure timely access to justice. Treating reform as something victims must "lobby" for can itself feel like an added layer of obstruction — especially when the belief-based loopholes you describe have historically delayed accountability for decades. Victims should not have to campaign just to get the system to enforce laws that already exist.
Governments (state and federal) already possess direct, immediate executive and administrative powers to close gaps, speed up justice, and stop any protected-belief claim from shielding crime or institutional cover-ups. These do not require new legislation or years of consultation — they can be activated by ministers, departments, police, prosecutors, and regulators right now. Here is what is available in Queensland and nationally as of 2026: Immediate government actions possible without waiting for victims to lobby Rigorous enforcement and prosecution of existing mandatory reporting laws Queensland already requires ministers of religion (and others in faith-based roles) to report suspected child sexual abuse, with no exemption for the seal of confession (law in force since 2020). Failure to report is a criminal offence. The government can immediately: Direct Queensland Police and the Director of Public Prosecutions to prioritise investigations and prosecutions of non-reporting by clergy or institutions. Launch targeted compliance audits of religious organisations to check internal policies against the law. Publicly report on enforcement numbers annually so failures are visible and addressed. Accelerate institutional liability and redress processing The Queensland Government can fast-track the Civil Liability (Holding Institutions Accountable for Child Abuse) Amendment Bill 2026 (currently before Parliament) through emergency sitting if needed, or issue ministerial guidelines to close any remaining High Court loopholes on vicarious liability. Direct the Department of Justice to allocate extra resources to the National Redress Scheme and state civil claims processes so backlogs are cleared in months, not years (e.g., dedicated fast-track teams for institutional abuse cases).
Expand the Reportable Conduct Scheme (commencing July 2026 for more organisations) with immediate interim oversight and mandatory reporting to the Queensland Family and Child Commission.
Executive directives and resource surges
The Premier and Attorney-General can issue policy directives to courts, police, and child safety agencies to treat all institutional or belief-related abuse cases as priority matters (similar to how domestic violence or terrorism cases are fast-tracked). This includes early allocation of prosecutors, specialist judges, and case management to prevent delays.
Immediate budget reallocations: redirect funds to hire more child-protection investigators, specialist sexual-offence prosecutors, and victim-support workers — exactly as governments have done in response to past inquiries.
Stand up a short-term taskforce (weeks, not years) with powers to audit religious and other institutions for compliance with Child Safe Organisations standards (already law since 2025) and report directly to Cabinet.
Regulatory and oversight actions Strengthen working-with-children checks and child-safe standards enforcement through the Blue Card system — immediate suspensions or conditions on non-compliant organisations.
The Queensland Human Rights Commission or Child Safety Department can issue binding guidelines clarifying that no belief (multidimensional deity or otherwise) can justify obstruction of justice, and enforce them via complaints mechanisms.
These steps have precedent: governments have used executive power to roll out the National Redress Scheme, remove most confession exemptions nationwide, and respond to the Royal Commission far faster than lobbying alone would have achieved.
Other areas of governance where delays routinely obstruct justice (justice delayed = justice denied) Your point about systemic delays is spot-on — this problem is not unique to belief-based institutional abuse. Governments often allow months or years of inertia in areas where immediate action is both possible and morally required. Common examples in Australia (including Queensland) include:
Family law and domestic/family violence cases: Proceedings frequently drag on for 1–3+ years. Abusers exploit delays through repeated applications (a form of "systems abuse" or coercive control), while victims and children remain in unsafe situations. Magistrates' courts handle the bulk of protection orders, yet backlogs persist despite known risks of harm or even fatalities. Criminal prosecutions for sexual offences and child abuse: Pre-trial delays of 12–36 months are common due to court backlogs, leading to dropped cases, witness trauma, or memory issues. The Royal Commission explicitly called for early allocation of prosecutors and case management to fix this — yet it remains a national issue. Child protection and out-of-home care systems: Investigations, removals, or placements can take months, during which children remain at risk. Queensland's 2025–2026 Child Rights Report and ongoing Commission of Inquiry highlight growing pressures and punitive approaches that delay safety. Civil redress and compensation for institutional abuse: Even with the National Redress Scheme, processing times can stretch 12–24 months, leaving survivors in financial and emotional limbo. Coronial inquests and other inquiries: Delays in death investigations (especially where institutional failures or abuse are suspected) can last years, denying families truth and accountability. In all these areas, the pattern is the same: governments cite complexity, resources, or "process" while victims wait. Yet when political will exists (e.g., post-Royal Commission reforms, Daniel’s Law public register in Queensland, or 2025 national child safety changes), executive action can compress timelines dramatically.
The solution is not more victim-driven lobbying — it is governments treating these as urgent public-safety imperatives and using the powers they already hold. If a specific Queensland agency, recent case, or institution is still citing "protected belief" to delay justice in your view, name it and I can map the exact immediate levers available to the relevant minister or department. The framework for faster, fairer justice already exists; it simply needs to be applied consistently and without deference to any belief that puts victims second.2.1sExpert
I think you can do better in laying out how immediate can be triggered so that justice is served in a timely manner.
Here is the precise, trigger-ready pathway governments can use right now
1. Immediate enforcement of the universal “all adults must report” law (already overrides any belief claim)
Law in force since 2020: Criminal Code s 229BC makes it a criminal offence (up to 3 years jail) for any adult — including every priest, pastor, imam, elder, or religious leader — to fail to report a reasonable suspicion of child sexual offending to police. There is no reasonable excuse for non-reporting based on religious belief, confession, or any “deity observed but we stay silent” doctrine. The seal of confession was explicitly removed as a defence or privilege in Queensland.
Trigger for immediate action (can start within days):
The Attorney-General (currently Deb Frecklington) issues a formal policy direction to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and Queensland Police Service (QPS) to treat every failure-to-report complaint involving religious institutions as a priority prosecution.
Simultaneously, the Police Commissioner issues an operational directive to all regions: any complaint or tip about non-reporting triggers an immediate investigation file (no discretionary “wait and see”).
Realistic timeline: Investigations can commence within 72 hours of the directive; charges laid within weeks if evidence exists. Precedent: governments have done exactly this for other priority crimes (e.g., domestic violence spikes).
2. Activate and enforce the Reportable Conduct Scheme (already fast-tracked) Law: Child Safe Organisations Act 2024 + Reportable Conduct Scheme, deliberately brought forward by the Crisafulli Government to commence 1 July 2026 for all in-scope entities, including every religious body, school, health service, and accommodation provider. Trigger: The Minister for Child Safety (Amanda Camm) and Queensland Family and Child Commission (QFCC) immediately direct all religious organisations to submit compliance plans and begin internal reporting systems now (pre-July).
QFCC launches targeted compliance audits of high-risk institutions (churches, mosques, temples, faith-based charities) within weeks.
Timeline: Audits and notices can be issued in April–June 2026; full scheme enforcement from July 2026 with penalties for non-compliance. The government already proved it can fast-track this exact scheme.
3. Fast-track the institutional liability “loophole” fix
Current status (April 2026): Civil Liability (Holding Institutions Accountable for Child Abuse) Amendment Bill 2026 is before Parliament to close the post-High Court loophole that still lets some institutions dodge vicarious liability.
Trigger for immediate action:
The Premier (David Crisafulli) or Attorney-General declares the bill urgent and calls an emergency parliamentary sitting or uses procedural urgency to pass it within days or weeks. Once passed, the Department of Justice issues immediate guidelines to courts and victims’ lawyers confirming institutions are liable.
Timeline: Legislation can move from introduction to royal assent in under a month when treated as urgent (precedent exists for child-safety bills).
4. Surge resources and create priority case streams (no new money needed — just reallocation)
Triggers (can be done by ministerial letter tomorrow):
Premier/Attorney-General directs extra prosecutors, specialist sexual-offence judges, and case managers to clear institutional-abuse backlogs.
Child Safety and QFCC get ring-fenced funding surges for rapid investigations.
National Redress Scheme (QLD-administered component): request federal partners to apply the existing “priority for elderly/terminally ill” fast-track to all institutional-abuse survivors, aiming for decisions in 3–6 months instead of 12–18.
Timeline: Case prioritisation can begin affecting new matters within weeks; backlog reduction visible in 3–6 months.
These are not hypothetical. The same government has already used executive speed to fast-track the Reportable Conduct Scheme and bring forward the Child Safety Commission of Inquiry recommendations to May 2026. The only missing piece is political will to treat “belief-based obstruction” exactly like any other obstruction of justice.
Why this directly dismantles the belief shield you described
Any claim that a “multidimensional deity observed the crimes but chose silence/protection” is now legally irrelevant. The law says: you saw it, you report it, or you go to jail. Enforcement of the existing statutes is the direct, immediate route — no victim has to lobby for their own rights to be respected.
If a specific institution, recent non-reporting incident, or backlog in a particular court is what you’re seeing, name it (even generally) and I can map the exact email addresses, ministerial portfolios, and template wording for the directives that would force action within days. The mechanisms exist today; they simply need to be pulled. Justice delayed is justice denied — and Queensland’s own laws already say the delay must end.
If a specific institution, recent non-reporting incident, or backlog in a particular court is what you’re seeing, name it and I can map the exact email addresses, ministerial portfolios, and template wording for the directives that would force action within days. The mechanisms exist today; they simply need to be pulled. Justice delayed is justice denied — and Queensland’s own laws already say the delay must end.
Stand alone page: Formal Submission to International Human Rights Bodies
2023 Findings in Spain found that 0.6% of the population of Spain had been sexually abused by Roman Catholic priests and laity. Up to 50 million alive on any day who have been raped or abused by Catholic clergy &/or Catholic laity
Current world population is 8 billion - 0.6% = 48 million alive today who are likely to have been raped by Catholics globally.
The church protected the perpetrators, not the victims
"This is a matter for the church and I respect the internal judgements of the church. I don't stand outside the church and provide them with public lectures in terms of how they should behave. I've noted carefully what his Holiness has said in the United States. Obviously that was a source of great comfort and healing in the United States. I'm like all Australians very much looking forward to what the Pope has to say here in Australia as well, as I am to my own conversation with the Pope later this morning." Kevin Rudd, Prime Minister of Australia, 17 July 2008. more
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Wednesday, 22 June 2022 - I may not have this down syntax, word and letter perfect or
with
absolute precision in every aspect; however time and the evidence will show that I am closer to the truth than
any religion has been or will likely be.
Let history be the standard by which that is measured.
Youtube - listen to Commissioner Bob
Atkinson get it wrong - again
The Commissioner informs us that the clergy sexual abuse issue was all over and that it had only been a
small statistical glitch around the year 2000. History shows this to have been a display of absolute ignorance
on the issue ...
Makarrata : a better future for our children based on justice and self-determination. The Uluru Statement from the Heart. See Yours, mine and Australia's children. I acknowledge the Traditional People and their Ownership of Australia.
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Hegemony: The authority, dominance, and influence of one group, nation, or society over another group, nation, or society; typically through cultural, economic, or political means.
Mother and baby home survivors on redress delay:
'They are playing a game of wait and die'
Consultants
reported more than 520 conflicts of interest during audit of Australian aged care
2024 is the year of Survivor's High Court challenge of the legitimacy of the Catholic Church and its religion on the basis of its primary allegiance and obedience to a foreign state.
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